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13:24, 9 October 2025

Voting for a design on the ruble banknote exposed the flaws in Kadyrov's ideology

The idea of ​​depicting "Grozny-City" on the 500-ruble banknote, which the "Russian Community" is campaigning against, is presented by Kadyrov as a symbol of the success of the imperial project, while both sides in the conflict are concerned only with their own prestige and influence, and not with state unity. 

As reported by the " Caucasian Knot ," the "Russian Community" declared the idea of ​​depicting "Grozny-City" or Mount Elbrus on the new 500-ruble banknote "ideological sabotage ." Blogger Max Divnich, who had clashed with "Akhmat," urged his followers to vote for Elbrus over Grozny. Regional leaders called on residents to participate in the symbol selection process, while social media users called the debate far-fetched . 

Voting began on October 1st. It will last two weeks and conclude on October 14th at 12:00 PM Moscow time. The results will influence the final design of the banknote.

The fight against the inclusion of this image on the banknote led to the consolidation of various groups of Russian nationalists against the backdrop of the protests, noted Alexander Verkhovsky, head of the SOVA* research center . "It would be a sin for them not to unite on such an occasion," he emphasized. However, he characterized their views not so much as anti-Caucasian, since "Elbrus is also quite a Caucasian symbol," but as anti-Kadyrov.

The expert considered the use of terms like "pan-Islamist lobby" and "ideological sabotage" by members of the "Russian Community" an attempt to "increase the temperature" of tension. "They like to add something poignant to every public statement," Verkhovsky stated.

He also didn't rule out the possibility that the nationalists fighting against this version of the five-hundred-ruble note are seriously concerned about Chechnya's growing recognition. "Those who take out the money and look at what's on it will indeed see 'Grozny-City,' and this will increase Chechnya's visibility on a national scale," the expert noted. The involvement of wrestler Max Divnich in the conflict, in his view, merely continues his ongoing spats with Chechen officials.

Speaking about Kadyrov's insistence on Grozny being included on the banknote, Verkhovsky highlighted two motivations. "For Chechens, and more broadly, Caucasians, it's a demonstration: look how tough I am, I got the symbol of Chechnya placed on the money. For everyone else, it's a reminder that Kadyrov is a politician of national stature," Verkhovsky noted.

He also emphasized that Kadyrov had indeed turned the vote on the banknote into a symbol of prestige for the Chechen authorities. "We remember, in principle, that authorities, and not only Chechen ones, have repeatedly used votes on various symbolic issues to boost their prestige," Verkhovsky noted.

Political scientist Ruslan Kutayev* , on the contrary, believed the situation to be the result of a Kremlin-orchestrated plot. "It's a game. Putting 'Grozny-City' on the banknote is a demonstration that Russia has defeated the Chechens. That's why Chechens are extremely upset that anything related to the republic will appear on Russian currency. The authorities are trying to portray this as glorifying the Chechens, but that's a false premise. This is a cold calculation by the Kremlin—to demonstrate that we defeated the Chechens, that Chechnya is one of our regions, and therefore its symbols are on our money," he stated.

Regarding Ramzan Kadyrov's campaign to include "Grozny-City" on the banknote, Kutayev* emphasized that he may understand the essence of this idea, but for him the image is "a symbol of the assertion of his power in Chechnya."

Historian and sociologist Nikolai Mitrokhin * doesn't believe it's obvious that nationalist groups will consolidate over the prospect of depicting "Grozny-City" on the banknote. "Although it's clear that Russian nationalists in general, not just the 'Russian Community,' are unlikely to appreciate such a move, especially given the renaming of villages in Chechnya in the Chechen style," he noted.

General Vladimir Shamanov, a veteran of the Chechen wars, called the renaming of Cossack villages in Chechnya an erasure of historical memory at a State Duma meeting on September 25 after the republic's Russian-speaking population was expelled. Chechen authorities responded directly to his remarks only on October 2, when Ramzan Kadyrov called Shamanov a criminal who should be brought to trial. That same day, Kadyrov called Shamanov a "hyena," while State Duma deputy Adam Delimkhanov called him a coward and a saboteur. Kadyrov approached the general, offering him a trip "to the front lines in the SVO zone"; at the same time, he promised Shamanov that they would " meet in court ." Initially, Chechen authorities  used the residents to oppose Shamanov. On October 6, Shamanov secured the support of the head of the Federal Agency for Nationalities Affairs (FANA), Igor Barinov, on the issue of renaming; he refused to publicly comment on the attacks by Kadyrov and Delimkhanov . 

The Russian population as a whole perceives the strengthening of Chechnya, and especially the brazen actions of the "Kadyrovites" nationwide, as a threat, Mitrokhin* emphasized. "They are feared and hated as Putin's henchmen, so it's unclear who outside of Chechnya would support such a thing. Another question is who would risk speaking out about it now," he stated.

Speaking about Max Divnich's involvement in the conflict, Mitrokhin noted* that the banknote incident is only part of a larger conflict. For Kadyrov, in his view, it became an opportunity to assert himself and strengthen his prestige as the leading Chechen, capable of dictating his will to all of Russia. "This is a demonstration of his influence," he concluded.  

Various conservative and nationalist forces are united by their reluctance to see anything Caucasian, let alone Chechen, on the banknote. The Russian Orthodox Church also spoke out against this, noted Stefania Kulaeva, an expert with the Anti-Corruption Center "Memorial"* . 

"The nationalists' rhetoric, as usual, betrays their phobias: yes, they fear the growing influence of any 'non-Russians' (this is what happened with the fight for the image on the 1,000-ruble banknote, when they resisted Kazan), and radical nationalists have always had tension, fears, and hostility with Caucasians, especially Chechens," she emphasized.

According to Kulaeva, Divnich's statements are motivated by his personal conflict with Akhmat and Apti Alaudinov. "But the conflict is, of course, broader—and yes, any pretext is used," she believes. 

In July, the head of the Akhmat special forces, Apti Alaudinov, demanded an apology from blogger and MMA fighter Max Divnich for denigrating the Akhmat special forces and Alaudinov himself by attributing a Chechen fighter who started the conflict in Luhansk to the Akhmat special forces. Alaudinov later stated the  need to toughen  penalties for inciting ethnic hatred. After this, Divnich and Alaudinov continued their public dispute, regularly criticizing each other in their Telegram posts. 

Kadyrov's motivation for fighting for his image on the banknote is, according to Kulaeva, more complex. "It's clear, of course, that he wants the prestige of his brainchild (Grozny-City) and himself personally, but what comes out of it is curious. Kadyrov's rhetoric: supposedly, our 'Grozny-City' is a symbol of victory and consolidation, protection from the collapse of the country—that is, a symbol of the success of Russia's imperial policy. But in reality, even with this agitation over a trivial matter, Kadyrov once again demonstrates the weakness of the imperial project—there is no consolidation; on the contrary, everyone is pulling in different directions."

Aggressively and nervously. Mutual hatred is fueled by politicians, from the grassroots (the "Russian Community" and others) to the top Chechen official. Kadyrov's conflicts over any issue, insults, and attacks have been constant lately—he's branding and threatening Shamanov, then publicly squabbling with Kolokoltsev and Bastrykin over a Chechen teenager arrested for hooliganism. He apparently deliberately inflates this theme of Chechen oppression, which doesn't speak to the success of "saving us from disintegration" or the "path to comprehensive strengthening" of state unity. On the contrary, it's a constant squabble centered on the national question. In this regard, they're behaving quite similarly to Russian nationalists, who also ostensibly want to "protect us from disintegration," but who, in fact, don't support attempts to unite the country, even with paper money and its images. For them, Orthodoxy and Russian monuments should be everywhere. Yes, everyone wants prestige and success, but not unity," she concluded.

As of 11:30 PM Moscow time on October 8, Mount Elbrus leads the online vote for the image on the back of the banknote, with over 551,000 votes cast, followed by "Grozny-City" with over 508,000 votes. The Academic (Elizabeth) Gallery in St. Petersburg leads the vote for the image on the front of the 500-ruble banknote by a significant margin, with over 685,000 votes cast. A sculpture of an eagle tearing a snake comes in second, with over 208,000 votes.

Translated automatically via Google translate from https://www.kavkaz-uzel.eu/articles/416151

* entered into the register of foreign agents by the Ministry of Justice.

Author: Alexander Stepanov

Source: CK correspondent

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